引导语：1946年3月，英国前首相丘吉尔在美国富尔顿发表的反苏演说，又称铁幕演说。铁幕演说也被认为是正式拉开了冷战的序幕。以下是丘吉尔演讲的部分节选。
英文原文：
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American democracy. For with this primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. As you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done, but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining, for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the aftertime.
It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- toward the peoples of all the Russians and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships.
It is my duty, however, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stetting in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofiaall these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject, in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and in some cases increasing measure of control from Moscow.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung.
Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to fight the wars，But now we all can find any nation, wherever it may dwell, between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter.
In a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further eighteen months from the end of the German war.
I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable -- still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so.
I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines.
But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happensnor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement.
What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness.
For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind.
There never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented, in my belief, without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored todaybut no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool.
We must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections.
If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealth be added to that of the United States, with all that such cooperation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe, and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security.
If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength, seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men, if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time but for a century to come.
1946年1月，英国前首相丘吉尔应邀访美。3月5日，他在美国总统杜鲁门陪同下抵达密苏里州富尔顿，在杜鲁门的母校威斯敏斯特学院发表了题为“和平砥柱”的演说。
丘吉尔在演说中公开攻击苏联“扩张”，宣称“从波罗的海的斯德丁到亚得里亚海边的里雅斯特，一幅横贯欧洲大陆的铁幕已经降落下来”，苏联对“铁幕”以东的中欧、东欧国家进行日益增强的高压控制。对苏联的扩张，不能采取“绥靖政策”。美国正高踞于世界权力的顶峰，应担负起未来的责任。主张英、美结成同盟，英语民族联合起来，制止苏联的“侵略”。
富尔顿演说后不到10天，斯大林发表谈话，严厉谴责丘吉尔和他的朋友非常像希特勒及其同伴，演说是杜鲁门借他人之口发表的“冷战”宣言，是美国发动“冷战”的前奏曲。
扩展资料：
历史背景：
第二次世界大战后，美国经济、军事实力急剧膨胀，成为世界头号资本主义强国。与此同时，苏联力量也逐渐强大，国际地位大大提高，东欧一些国家在苏联的影响下走上了社会主义道路，再加上苏联推行大国沙文主义，在欧洲极力扩张自己的势力，美苏之间的矛盾日益加深。
西方国家提出了用除直接武装进攻以外的一切手段和行动来遏制共产主义，一场“冷战”(Cold War)在以美国为首的资本主义国家和以苏联为首的社会主义国家之间展开。
在东欧、中东、希腊、土耳其等地，美国、英国和苏联更是争斗得异常激烈。美国在战后世界新格局中的一举一动总是受到另一强国苏联的制约，以苏联为首的社会主义阵营也在形成之中。因而，美国政府正在制定着如何对付苏联的决策。此时英国惟有的希望是争取美国舆论，寻求美国支持，重建欧洲均势。
丘吉尔的富尔顿演说是当时美国总统杜鲁门精心安排的杰作。杜氏意在利用丘吉尔这位著名的“反共斗士”投石问路。丘吉尔在演说中不仅充分表达了英国的意愿，同时也道出了美国想说而不便公开说的主张，适应了杜鲁门政府的需要。
经过舆论界的一番哄炒之后，美国当权集团尽管感到同苏联公开决裂的时机尚未成熟，民众还没有足够的思想准备，即使政界领导人也有意见分歧，但是，散布苏联扩张和威胁的论调开始在美国舆论界占据了上风。
参考资料来源：百度百科-铁幕演说
